Project 2025 Blueprint Would Destroy NLRB Quorum — Workers Could Lose the Right to Organize
President Trump fired two NLRB members in January 2025, stripping the board of a quorum and halting nearly all union election and unfair labor practice decisions — an outcome consistent with Project 2025's blueprint to cripple the agency. Courts are now reviewing whether this violates 90-year-old precedent protecting independent agency board members from at-will removal.
The National Labor Relations Board is supposed to be an independent agency, insulated from White House politics so that the law protecting workers' right to unionize isn't simply a plaything for whichever president is in power. In January 2025, Trump fired two NLRB members without cause, a direct attack on that independence — a move forecast by Project 2025's call to 'defang the agency by any means necessary.' The result: the board has lost its quorum and can't issue decisions in union elections, certification disputes, or retaliation cases. That means an employer who illegally fires a worker for organizing can't be held accountable until the board is reconstituted — if it ever is. This isn't abstract. Every day without a functioning NLRB is a green light for union-busting.
The administration is also arguing in court — via the NLRB's own general counsel, no less — that the board's structure is unconstitutional, a position that, if accepted, would gut the entire National Labor Relations Act. The fight now is in the courts, where civil rights and labor groups are trying to force the administration to respect the Humphrey's Executor precedent. But the message is already clear: if you're a worker trying to organize, don't expect the federal government to have your back. The only remedy is worker-led solidarity — pre-majority unionism, card-check drives, and community-based bargaining — tactics that labor organizers have been preparing for precisely this moment.
The humanitarian alternative
Restore the NLRB quorum immediately by appointing board members who respect the agency's independence. Strengthen enforcement through sectoral bargaining legislation, pre-majority union recognition rules, and criminal penalties for retaliatory firings.
Original source — excerpted
project2025 Project 2025 ch. 18: Department of Labor (pp 611-612)"— 578 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 79. See Craig C. Donsanto and Nancy L. Simmons, Federal Prosecution of Election Offenses, 7th Edition, U.S. Department of Justice, May 2007 (revised August 2007), pp. 61–63, https:/ /www.justice.gov/sites/ default/files/criminal/legacy/2013/09/30/electbook-rvs0807.pdf#page=79 (accessed February 4, 2023). See also Richard C. Pilger, ed., Federal Prosecution of Election Offenses, 8th Edition, U.S. Department of Justice, December 2017, pp. 56–58, https:/ /www.justice.gov/criminal/file/1029066/download (accessed February 4, 2023). 80. See U.S. Department of Justice, “Capital Eligible Statutes Assigned by Section,” https:/ /www.justice. gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-71-capital-eligible-statutes-assigned-section (accessed February 5, 2023). 81. See U.S. Department of Justice, “Contact List: District Election Officers,” October 31, 2022, p. 1, https:/ /www. justice.gov/criminal/file/1329606/download (accessed February 4, 2023). 82. Pennsylvania Department of State, “Pennsylvania Provisional Voting Guidelines,” October 21, 2020, Version 1.1, p. 2, https:/ /www.dos.pa.gov/VotingElections/OtherServicesEvents/Documen…"