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concern / Foreign Policy

Project 2025's Trade Chapter: Countering China with National Security Rhetoric, Not Worker-Centered Trade

Routed by Priya Shah · Chapter 26 (pp 823-825) → fair-trade-scholar Section reviewed by Ruth Oduya · "The draft is voiced and grounded, but the summary conflates multiple proposal types (executive order, legislative, regulatory) without naming the actual mechanism. Also, the severity should be 'warning' given the 2026 USMCA review is a concrete, approaching deadline, not just a passive 'concern'." Reviewed by Teresa Calderón · "The China virus claim on p. 791 is paraphrased accurately but should not be elevated; civil society timeline on USMCA review needs a specific year citation — 2024 was the start."

Project 2025's trade chapter (pp 823-825) proposes executive orders for supply-chain decoupling, sanctions on US firms (e.g., Apple) via OFAC/IEEPA, visa restrictions under INA 212(f), and closure of Confucius Institutes via DOD/DOE funding bans, all leveraging national security rhetoric. The 2026 USMCA review (scheduled to begin July 1, 2026) is a near-term legislative vehicle that could embed enforceable labor and environmental standards—but the chapter fails to pursue this, instead relying on unilateralism that risks alienating allies. No administration executive orders have yet been issued on these proposals, but the USMCA review preparation phase is active, making this a concrete policy window. Civil society groups and labor unions have said the deal should not be extended as-is for another 16-year term, with a March 2024 letter from 80+ organizations to USTR specifically calling for renegotiation.

Project 2025's trade chapter reads as a Cold War-style blueprint that weaponizes national security fears without addressing the core failures of US trade policy for working people. While it correctly challenges Ricardian free-trade orthodoxy and acknowledges that trade deficits matter, its remedies are blunt and selective. The proposals to reduce Chinese supply-chain dependence for medicines, chips, and military components, and to sanction US companies like Apple for facilitating surveillance, sound tough but ignore that real supply-chain resilience requires enforceable labor and environmental standards at home and abroad, not just decoupling. As of now, most of these measures have not been enacted; the administration has not yet issued executive orders on supply-chain reduction, sanctions, or visa cuts, but the 2026 USMCA review—scheduled to begin July 1, 2026—is in preparation phase and could either entrench or challenge the race-to-the-bottom dynamics the chapter only gestures at.

The chapter's call to close all Confucius Institutes is already partially realized, driven by a 2019 NDAA provision banning Department of Defense funding to host universities and a March 2021 Senate vote to deny Department of Education funding, along with state-level bans. This track record shows the administration can act unilaterally when it chooses, yet it has not paired such moves with a constructive trade agenda that lifts labor standards or penalizes exploitation in global supply chains. The missing piece is a commitment to enforceable labor and environmental chapters in trade deals—like a beefed-up USMCA that closes the 20% Chinese-content loophole in Mexican exports and empowers rapid-response mechanisms. Instead, the chapter doubles down on a punitive, unilateralist approach that risks alienating allies and missing the 2026 review's potential to write real worker protections into North American trade law.

The fight now is to ensure that the 2026 USMCA review becomes a vehicle for enforceable labor and environmental standards, not a rubber stamp for corporate interests. Civil society groups and labor unions have explicitly said the deal should not be extended as-is for another 16-year term. The administration should use the review to eliminate tariff-line-shift rules that allow Chinese content to flow through Mexico duty-free, strengthen the Rapid Response Labor Mechanism with real penalties, and mandate supply-chain transparency for forced labor. Meanwhile, the anti-China provisions on visas and Confucius Institutes, while popular with some, risk cutting off academic collaboration that is vital for innovation and diplomatic ties—and do nothing to raise wages or protect the environment for US workers. A fair trade agenda would pair strategic economic security measures with domestic industrial policy that invests in good jobs, not just platitudes about countering China.

Rollback path — how this gets undone

This action has already been implemented. These are the concrete levers that could reverse it.

  1. Repeal 2019 NDAA provision banning DoD funding for Confucius Institute hosts Congress must amend or repeal the 2019 NDAA section that prohibits Department of Defense funding to universities hosting Confucius Institutes; the current administration could also reverse any related executive orders or agency memos that codified the ban.
  2. Rescind Executive Orders or memoranda compelling Confucius Institute closures The President should issue an executive order rescinding any directives from the current administration that mandate closure of Confucius Institutes, and direct agencies like the Department of Education to restore funding eligibility for host institutions.

Reversing it is step one. The forward agenda — what we build so it can’t recur — is in Answers to this entry →

Grounded in

Original source — excerpted

project2025 Project 2025 ch. 26: Trade (pp 823-825)

"— 790 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Systematically reduce and eventually eliminate any U.S. dependence on Communist Chinese supply chains that may be used to threaten national security such as medicines, silicon chips, rare earth minerals, computer motherboards, flatscreen displays, and military components. l Sanction any companies, including American companies like Apple, that facilitate Communist China’s use of its Great Firewall surveillance and censorship capabilities. l Order the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and Department of Justice to contract with U.S.-owned and U.S.-operated artificial intelligence companies that are capable of detecting, identifying, and disrupting both the domestic groups’ and CCP influencers’ social media operations and funding streams using public information as a rapidly available offensive measure. l Reinvigorate and expand the DHS crackdown on the CCP’s use of e-sellers (including third-party sellers) and the shippers and operators of major warehouses such as Amazon, eBay, and Alibaba to flood U.S. markets with counterfeit and pirated goods. l Compel the closure of all Confucius Institutes in the U.…"