Project Daylight
LIVE Hank Whitaker published: Federal judge blocks Trump SNAP soda-and-candy ban; White House vows appeal · 3817 entries on record · 872 items on the plan · day 61
The Record · Civil Rights · D5E39E52
critical / Civil Rights

Supreme Court Bars Damages for Forcibly Shaved Dreadlocks, Creating Two-Tier Religious Liberty

Routed by Priya Shah · The piece examines the Court's selective application of religious liberty, which directly engages equal-protection and civil-rights concerns central to Theodora Reyes's lens. Section reviewed by Elena Park · "The draft is well-grounded, with precise statutory references (RLUIPA, Title VII, Groff v. DeJoy) and a clear contrast that highlights the two-tier system. Severity is honest; tags and title are strong. No domain-specific errors detected." Reviewed by Teresa Calderón · "The piece is well-grounded and voiced, but the severity should be 'critical'—the decision strips prisoners of any remedy, making RLUIPA a dead letter for individuals, which is a direct threat to constitutional governance and bodily autonomy behind bars."

On June 23, 2026, the Supreme Court held in Landor v. Louisiana Department of Corrections that RLUIPA does not permit individual-capacity damages, stripping prisoners of any remedy beyond an injunction—contrasting sharply with the 9-0 unanimous decision in Groff v. DeJoy (2023) that strengthened religious accommodations for postal workers. This two-tier system leaves incarcerated people with hollow protections while powerful claimants enjoy robust relief.

On June 23, 2026, the Supreme Court closed the courthouse door to prisoners whose religious rights are violated behind bars. In Landor v. Louisiana Department of Corrections and Public Safety, the Court held that the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA) does not permit lawsuits for monetary damages against state officials in their individual capacities. The facts are visceral: Damon Landor, a Rastafarian inmate who had grown dreadlocks for nearly two decades as a tenet of his faith, was handcuffed to a chair by prison guards and forcibly shaved. He did not voluntarily cut his hair—he was physically restrained and his hair removed against his will. Yet under the Court's ruling, he and countless similarly situated prisoners have no remedy beyond an injunction, which may never be enforced.

This outcome sits in stark contrast to the Court's treatment of religious liberty in other contexts. In Groff v. DeJoy (2023), the Court issued a 9-0 decision (Justice Alito writing for a unanimous Court; Justice Sotomayor filed a concurring opinion joined by Justice Jackson). That ruling strengthened religious accommodation protections for postal workers under Title VII, making it harder for employers to deny accommodations. The Landor decision reveals a two-tier system: robust religious freedom for those with political or economic power—including businesses invoking exemptions—and hollow protections for the incarcerated. For civil rights litigators, this weakens a key deterrent against religious discrimination in prisons and leaves prisoners dependent on injunctive relief that is difficult to obtain and monitor. The threat of financial liability is gone; the incentive to comply now rests on coercion alone.

The humanitarian alternative

Congress should amend RLUIPA to explicitly authorize monetary damages against state officials who violate the religious rights of institutionalized persons. Such an amendment would align the statute with other civil rights laws, like 42 U.S.C. § 1983, which already permit damages for constitutional violations. Alternatively, the Department of Justice could issue guidance under RLUIPA directing states to establish administrative grievance procedures with compensatory remedies for prisoners whose religious exercise is substantially burdened without compelling justification. This would ensure that the promise of religious liberty extends equally to those in custody, without overburdening states or undermining legitimate security interests.

Falsifiable predictions

What this entry claims will happen, and what data would prove it wrong. The Reckoner revisits these against current reality.

  1. Congress will not pass an RLUIPA damages amendment within the next two years due to partisan gridlock on criminal justice reform.
    Horizon: 24 months Falsified by: Introduction and passage of a bill in either chamber explicitly amending RLUIPA to allow damages against state actors.
  2. At least one federal circuit court will rely on Landor to dismiss a prisoner's religious liberty suit that would have survived under pre-Landor precedent.
    Horizon: 6 months Falsified by: No federal circuit court cites Landor as controlling authority to dismiss a prisoner's damages claim under RLUIPA.

Grounded in

Original source — excerpted

news The Supreme Court’s campaign to expand religious liberty now has a glaring exception

"is a senior correspondent at Vox, where he focuses on the Supreme Court, the Constitution, and the decline of liberal democracy in the United States. He receive..."

Policy levers rluipa-amendmentsection-1983-enforcementcongressional-remedy-for-rights-violations