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The Record · Democracy & Institutions · 87D4D734
critical / Democracy & Institutions

Project 2025's White House Blueprint: Loyalty Over Law in the Executive Branch

Project 2025's opening chapters frame career civil servants as ideological saboteurs and call for flooding agencies with political loyalists—a blueprint that dismantles the merit-based civil service established by the Pendleton Act and weaponizes the executive branch against the very checks that make it accountable to the public.

Project 2025 begins with a constitutional claim that sounds reasonable—Article II vests executive power in the President—and then uses it to justify something the Founders never intended: replacing subject-matter expertise with personal loyalty at every level of the federal workforce. The text dismisses career employees as an 'autonomous bureaucracy' engaged in 'groupthink,' and instructs the next administration to treat human resources rules not as legal guardrails but as obstacles to be overcome. What it calls 'obstructionist HR departments' are, in practice, the statutory protections of the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 and the merit principles codified since the Pendleton Act of 1883—laws Congress passed precisely to stop presidents from turning the federal payroll into a patronage machine.

The specific harm is not abstract. When political appointees are empowered to override career staff at the Office of Management and Budget, the agency that controls the federal budget and reviews regulatory cost-benefit analyses, the result is not responsiveness to voters—it is responsiveness to whoever controls the White House. Inspectors general, career scientists, and enforcement attorneys are the people who catch fraud, model climate risk, and enforce civil rights law. Replacing them with loyalists, as Protect Democracy's Authoritarian Playbook documents, is the classic early move of democratic backsliding: capture the institutions that could hold the executive accountable before they have a chance to act. The chapter's instruction that the White House Counsel 'protect the powers and privileges of the President from encroachments by Congress, the judiciary,' redefines the Counsel's role from legal compliance officer to constitutional shield—inverting the purpose Federalist 70 assigned to a unitary executive, which was energy and accountability, not insulation.

The irony is that Project 2025 invokes separation of powers while proposing to hollow it out. Madison's 'double security'—separation among branches and between federal and state governments—depends on each branch having genuine independence and genuine expertise. A civil service staffed by ideological tests rather than merit becomes, as Protect Democracy warns, a weapon against adversaries and a shield against accountability rather than a neutral instrument of law execution. The Partnership for Public Service documents that more than two million career employees implemented major bipartisan legislation—the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, the CHIPS Act—precisely because their continuity and expertise survived changes in administration.

A democratically accountable alternative exists and is achievable without dismantling merit protections. Congress should codify the Schedule F rescission into statute so no future executive order can recreate it. Inspector general independence should be anchored in law, with removal only for cause and with mandatory congressional notification. Senate confirmation norms for senior agency positions should be restored and enforced. OMB's career staff should be protected from politically motivated reassignment while remaining subject to legitimate performance management. These reforms strengthen presidential accountability to voters without converting the federal government into a personal instrument of whoever wins the next election—which is exactly the outcome the Founders' separation of powers was designed to prevent.

Original source — excerpted

project2025 Project 2025 ch. 2: Executive Office of the President (pp 53-56)

"— 20 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise limit, control, and direct the executive branch on behalf of the American people.” At the core of this goal is the work of the White House and the central personnel agencies. Article II of the Constitution vests all federal executive power in a Pres- ident, made accountable to the citizenry through regular elections. Our Founders wrote, “The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America.” Accordingly, Vought writes, “it is the President’s agenda that should matter to the departments and agencies,” not their own. Yet the federal bureaucracy has a mind of its own. Federal employees are often ideologically aligned—not with the majority of the American people—but with one another, posing a profound problem for republican government, a government “of, by, and for” the people. As Donald Devine, Dennis Kirk, and Paul Dans write in Chapter 3, “An autonomous bureaucracy has neither independent constitu - tional status nor separate moral legitimacy.” Byzantine personnel rules provide the bureaucrats with their chief means of self-protection. What’s more, knowledge of such rules is used to th…"