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Louisiana v. Callais: Justice Thomas's Concurrence Signals a Narrowing of Section 2—DOJ Must Prepare

Routed by Priya Shah · The piece involves a Supreme Court opinion by Clarence Thomas; its framing ('strange opinion') and the context of court decisions and civil rights make it a natural fit for Theodora Reyes's lens on equal protection, voting rights, and judicial accountability. Section reviewed by Elena Park · "The draft misstates the holding and posture of Louisiana v. Callais; the opinion described is Justice Thomas's concurrence, not the majority. This changes the legal significance. Severity should be reduced from 'critical' to 'high' as the decision is not a direct gutting of Section 2, but a concurrence signaling a potential shift." Reviewed by Teresa Calderón · "Severity rating downgraded to 'concern' because the ruling leaves Section 2 standing and the framing overstates collapse; edits tighten the reframe to reflect actual holding and grounded precedent."

In Louisiana v. Callais, the Supreme Court held that Louisiana's congressional map was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. Justice Thomas's concurring opinion, however, argued for a shift from the long-standing effects-based test under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act to a new emphasis on intentional discrimination, signaling a potential narrowing of the statute. The decision does not eliminate Section 2 but places DOJ enforcement on heightened alert, requiring a focus on pattern-or-practice investigations and private litigation support.

The Supreme Court's decision in Louisiana v. Callais (No. 24-109), issued April 29, 2026, did not strike down Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, but Justice Thomas's concurrence signals a narrower approach. For decades, Section 2 allowed plaintiffs to challenge voting practices that resulted in racial discrimination, regardless of intent. The Callais majority held that Louisiana's congressional map was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander, but Thomas argued in a solo concurrence that Section 2 should require proof of intentional discrimination, not just discriminatory effects. The ruling itself does not adopt Thomas's view—it turns on the Equal Protection Clause—but the concurrence reflects a long-running campaign by Thomas to reimagine Section 2. SCOTUSblog reported that the ruling 'obliterated the commitment' of Section 2, though that characterization conflates the holding with the concurrence. The Brennan Center has warned that such a shift 'will be to allow racial discrimination and further encourage partisan gerrymandering,' but no majority opinion has adopted it yet. For the DOJ Civil Rights Division, the practical effect is heightened uncertainty. After Shelby County v. Holder (2013) struck down the preclearance formula, Section 2 became the department's primary enforcement tool against discriminatory voting maps. If Thomas's view gains traction, DOJ's ability to challenge maps based solely on effects would be constrained. Enforcement will now fall even more heavily on private plaintiffs—such as the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law—and on state attorneys general who can file affirmative litigation under state voting rights acts. The DOJ must redirect resources to pattern-or-practice investigations of discriminatory voting practices, enforce Section 3(c) bail-in provisions to restore preclearance for offending jurisdictions, and support private litigation through amicus briefs and intervention where appropriate. Without a robust federal enforcement presence, the machinery of democracy faces a significant threat.

The humanitarian alternative

Instead of relying on a Supreme Court that is increasingly partisan, Congress should codify key protections into law, such as a revived Voting Rights Act with updated preclearance formulas and a federal statute guaranteeing abortion access. These legislative solutions would be more democratic, ensuring that policy reflects the will of the people rather than the whims of a few unelected justices. Additionally, court reform, including term limits for justices and a binding code of ethics, would restore accountability and public trust.

Falsifiable predictions

What this entry claims will happen, and what data would prove it wrong. The Reckoner revisits these against current reality.

  1. The Supreme Court will issue at least one major decision this term that overturns a precedent protecting voting rights or reproductive rights, with Thomas or Alito writing the majority opinion.
    Horizon: 6 months Falsified by: The Court upholds the precedent in question or does not issue a ruling in either policy area.
  2. Public confidence in the Supreme Court will continue to decline, dropping below 40% approval in national polls by the end of 2026.
    Horizon: 12 months Falsified by: Public approval remains stable or rises above 40%.

Grounded in

Original source — excerpted

news Clarence Thomas Just Issued One of His Strangest Opinions Ever

"This is part of Opinionpalooza, Slate’s coverage of the major decisions from the Supreme Court. The best way to support our work—and unlock exclusive legal ..."

Policy levers court-reformvoting-rights-act-restorationcongressional-codificationjudicial-term-limits