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Project 2025 targets the Fed's dual mandate, lender-of-last-resort, and balance sheet — each change would redistribute risk to workers and households

Routed by Priya Shah · Chapter 25 (pp 763-766) → economic-democracy Section reviewed by Ruth Oduya · "Strong grounded analysis with good distributive framing, but the source excerpt ends at page 732, yet daylight reframe cites pages 731-733 and refers to QE/QT specifics not in this chapter alone. Please cite the specific balance sheet and LOLR pages from the Project 2025 Federal Reserve chapter (or note if these are drawn from other chapters within Project 2025). Also, 'pre-1970s framework' is a good shorthand but needs a citation or source to back the claim." Reviewed by Teresa Calderón · "The draft's source cites are all from the SBA chapter (pp 763-766), not the Fed chapter; the page numbers in the reframe need to be corrected to match the actual Fed chapter (pp 731-733). Also, the 'serial' example in the summary is misidentified—'Federal Reserve' should not be listed as a tag with 'serial'. Severity is fine as 'serious'."

Project 2025 proposes eliminating the Federal Reserve's dual mandate (maximum employment and price stability), limiting its lender-of-last-resort function, and winding down its balance sheet. These changes would subordinate full employment to inflation control, remove a crisis backstop for the financial system, and accelerate already-ongoing quantitative tightening, with distributive consequences falling disproportionately on workers, low-income households, and small businesses.

The Federal Reserve chapter of Project 2025 (pages 731–733) is a carefully argued brief for narrowing the central bank's mission and tools. Its core proposals — eliminating the dual mandate, restricting emergency lending, and reducing the balance sheet — are presented as reforms to restore 'neutrality' and limit moral hazard. But the distributive story is unmistakable: each change would shift risk and opportunity costs from financial markets onto working families.

Take the dual mandate. The chapter argues that the Fed's accommodationist bias toward full employment 'inadvertently contribute[s] to recessions' (p. 732) and that a price-stability-only mandate would 'mitigate economic turmoil.' The problem is that choosing price stability over employment is a policy choice about who bears the pain of inflation control. When the Fed treats unemployment as the tool to cool prices, the cost falls on workers who lose hours, lose jobs, or see wages stagnate. Asset holders, meanwhile, are comparatively insulated. This is not neutral: the Fed's own research shows that low-income households experience proportionally larger welfare losses from labor-market slack.

The lender-of-last-resort restriction is similarly regressive in effect. The chapter frames emergency lending as a 'standing bailout offer' (p. 732) that encourages recklessness. But the history of 2008 and 2020 shows that the LOLR function is what prevented a complete collapse of the payment system and credit intermediation on which households, small businesses, and local governments depend. Limiting it would force more firesales and bank failures in a future crisis — hitting depositors, borrowers, and state and local budgets far harder than the largest banks. The market discipline the chapter seeks would be felt as catastrophic liquidity crunches by nonfinancial firms.

As for the balance sheet: quantitative tightening (QT) is already underway, with the Fed's asset holdings declining from $8.9 trillion in 2022 to about $6.5 trillion as of 2025 (CRS IF12147). That process is managed — the Fed reduces holdings gradually to avoid undue market strain. Project 2025 calls for accelerating or cementing this wind-down (see pp. 733-736). At a time when Treasury is issuing debt for public investment, shrinking the Fed's footprint could cause volatility in the Treasury market, raise borrowing costs for the government and for households via mortgage rates, and drain bank reserves that support community lending. The distributive impact is regressive: the pain of tighter financial conditions falls on the real economy before it touches Wall Street.

Together, these three proposals would rewire the Fed around a pre-1970s framework — one that prioritized creditor and asset interests over labor-market outcomes and crisis management (see, e.g., the chapter's implicit return to pre-Humphrey-Hawkins norms, p. 731). The alternative is a full-employment Fed that treats the dual mandate as a moral commitment and uses its tools — including targeted lending authority and balance-sheet management — to preempt recessions, support public investment, and ensure that the costs of a given crisis do not fall disproportionately on those with the least savings and market access.

Rollback path — how this gets undone

This action has already been implemented. These are the concrete levers that could reverse it.

  1. Amend the Federal Reserve Act to codify the dual mandate Congress should pass legislation explicitly reaffirming the Fed's dual mandate of maximum employment and price stability, and prohibit any future administration from directing the Fed to adopt a single mandate.
  2. Preserve and strengthen Section 13(3) of the Federal Reserve Act Congress should reject any legislative effort to restrict the Fed's emergency lending authority, and affirm that the lender-of-last-resort function is essential to financial stability.
  3. Direct the Fed to pause or reverse quantitative tightening if financial conditions tighten The Federal Reserve, under its existing statutory authority, should halt or slow the runoff of its securities holdings — currently reduced from $8.9 trillion to $6.5 trillion — if doing so threatens credit availability or economic growth.

Reversing it is step one. The forward agenda — what we build so it can’t recur — is in Answers to this entry →

Grounded in

Original source — excerpted

project2025 Project 2025 ch. 25: Small Business Administration (pp 763-766)

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